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or three-day massacre of the city or a chemical -- use of chemical weapon s that would galvanize an international response and compel the international community to respond. so it's been more this piece-by-piece and has to do with the various limitations on the syrian army and the trust tt worthy elements of the syrian army. but i would blame the government most of all for that initial reaction. >> thank you. yes. >> yes, personally don't think we should have gone the middle east in a war for any reason, but bush had to have his war. the russians failed, the british failed. don't you think we started all these clans and these factions -- haven't we stirred them up by starting these things we did? can you comment on that? >> comment on how we can -- >> well, not on -- well, you kind of tried to say what we could do, but didn't we serve all this stuff up anyway going into iraq? >> oh, yes, yes. >> the clans, the factions. if the british couldn't do it and the -- what made us think we could do anything? >> you know, it's -- everyone thinks they can do it better. everyone thinks they
countries and the internally displaced persons to hold the region's. at the same time, as logistically challenging as it may be, holding elections in the major cities and in the northern regions would be this strong guest impossible of mali's sovereignty or territory and steps of rebuilding a democracy. the transition government is government plans and actions to the public and the crisis of legitimacy. the international community needs to harmonize its approach toward the pursuit of the polls that could lead to the legitimately elected government and military actions to detect the north. the contradictory public that take the military option off the table in the short and medium-term may only serve to emboldened the extra hauling them time to reinforce their presence. such also exacerbate fear there may be a conspiracy to breakout and to the civilian space rule out the hand of the pro-democracy forces within the country and for the work that is deeply invested in the space rule. many malians were proud of the country's democracy to consolidating the need by strengthening institutions
of financial support they got from the opposition or international community. would that make the situation more difficult? despite that, all of these liberated areas, they became very excited. they start thinking about some civilian projects. in one city, as example, six elementary and secondary schools are out of service. no one is interested to send his kids to the school. when i left the city -- next week, a fighter jet hits one of the schools. this is why none of the people are interested to send their kids to the school. they are still easy targets. even the hospitals are being targeted by the regime. we cannot call these as mainly liberated areas, because they are still targeted by the air force of the assad regime. that reflects the difficulties between the different groups of the three syrian army. we have borders with iraq and turkey under the control of the free syrian army. because of the absence of having a central command of the free syrian army, each border is controlled by a different group. there is a lack of authority which can extend its power. there is high risk for any
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